Détail de l'éditeur
|
|
Documents disponibles chez cet éditeur
Affiner la recherche
Titre : Contre la guerre économique : Comment les déséquilibres internationaux menacent la paix, la justice et la démocratie Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Cédric Durand, Auteur Editeur : Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Année de publication : 2019 Importance : 66 p Note générale : 01 DUR Langues : Français (fre) Catégories : Commerce Tags : Citoyenneté Commerce international Relations Nord-Sud Justice sociale Index. décimale : 01 - Economie Résumé : A la manière des années 30 ou des années 70, la décennie 2010 est une période charnière. Dans un premier temps, la mondialisation néolibérale a semblé avoir absorbé l’onde de choc de la grande crise de 2008. La montée en puissance du G20 et l’engagement des principales puissances à poursuivre sur la voie du libre-échange pouvaient accréditer l’idée de résilience de ce projet. A l’aube des années 20, ce n’est décidemment plus le cas. L’arrivée à la Maison Blanche de Donald Trump et de son agenda protectionniste a marqué l’irruption sur le plan
politique d’un basculement de tendance que l’on observait déjà dans les statistiques du commerce international : la période d’intégration rapide des économies nationales dans la mondialisation était derrière nous.Contre la guerre économique : Comment les déséquilibres internationaux menacent la paix, la justice et la démocratie [texte imprimé] / Cédric Durand, Auteur . - [S.l.] : Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, 2019 . - 66 p.
01 DUR
Langues : Français (fre)
Catégories : Commerce Tags : Citoyenneté Commerce international Relations Nord-Sud Justice sociale Index. décimale : 01 - Economie Résumé : A la manière des années 30 ou des années 70, la décennie 2010 est une période charnière. Dans un premier temps, la mondialisation néolibérale a semblé avoir absorbé l’onde de choc de la grande crise de 2008. La montée en puissance du G20 et l’engagement des principales puissances à poursuivre sur la voie du libre-échange pouvaient accréditer l’idée de résilience de ce projet. A l’aube des années 20, ce n’est décidemment plus le cas. L’arrivée à la Maison Blanche de Donald Trump et de son agenda protectionniste a marqué l’irruption sur le plan
politique d’un basculement de tendance que l’on observait déjà dans les statistiques du commerce international : la période d’intégration rapide des économies nationales dans la mondialisation était derrière nous.Documents numériques
Contre_la_guerre_économique.pdfAdobe Acrobat PDF
Titre : Die G20 und die Krise des globalen Kapitalismus Type de document : document électronique Auteurs : Samuel Decker, Auteur ; Thomas Sablowski, Auteur Editeur : Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Année de publication : Mai 2017 Importance : 49 p Langues : Allemand (ger) Tags : G20 Capitalisme Résumé : Die «Gruppe der 20» (G20) umfasst die Regierungen von 19 der wirtschaftsstärksten Staaten der Welt und den Präsidenten der Europäischen Kommission. Die Bundesregierung betrachtet die G20 als das zentrale Forum der internationalen Zusammenarbeit in Finanz und Wirtschaftsfragen, obwohl die Regierungen vieler Länder ausgeschlossen sind und es die UNO gibt, in der nahezu alle Staaten der Erde vertreten sind. En ligne : https://www.rosalux.de/publikation/id/14866/die-g20-und-die-krise-des-globalen-k [...] Die G20 und die Krise des globalen Kapitalismus [document électronique] / Samuel Decker, Auteur ; Thomas Sablowski, Auteur . - [S.l.] : Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, Mai 2017 . - 49 p.
Langues : Allemand (ger)
Tags : G20 Capitalisme Résumé : Die «Gruppe der 20» (G20) umfasst die Regierungen von 19 der wirtschaftsstärksten Staaten der Welt und den Präsidenten der Europäischen Kommission. Die Bundesregierung betrachtet die G20 als das zentrale Forum der internationalen Zusammenarbeit in Finanz und Wirtschaftsfragen, obwohl die Regierungen vieler Länder ausgeschlossen sind und es die UNO gibt, in der nahezu alle Staaten der Erde vertreten sind. En ligne : https://www.rosalux.de/publikation/id/14866/die-g20-und-die-krise-des-globalen-k [...] Documents numériques
Studien_4-17_G20.pdfAdobe Acrobat PDF
Titre : Going for broke : Why financialization is the wrong fix for infrastructure. A critical exploration Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Greig Aitken, Auteur Editeur : Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Année de publication : April 2015 Importance : 55 p Présentation : 02.02.AIT Langues : Anglais (eng) Tags : Europe Politique financière Investissement Infrastructure Index. décimale : 02.02 - Monnaies Résumé : Building new infrastructure is no longer simply the talk of towns and communities in which various projects are to be implemented. Instead, it has taken on a new, awe-inspiring, global character. In Europe alone, the European Commission estimates that investment of up to €2 trillion is needed in transport, energy and IT infrastructure by 2020. Out of the ashes of the economic crisis, infrastructure is being promoted as a magic bullet. Yet is this new burst of global investment hopes being based on new, more sustainable, less risky investment and financial foundations?
This report discusses how and why the answer to this question is ‘No’, and seeks ultimately to outline some of the tentatively emerging alternative options.En ligne : http://rosalux-europa.info/publications/books/financialisation_infrastructure/ Going for broke : Why financialization is the wrong fix for infrastructure. A critical exploration [texte imprimé] / Greig Aitken, Auteur . - [S.l.] : Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, April 2015 . - 55 p : 02.02.AIT.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
Tags : Europe Politique financière Investissement Infrastructure Index. décimale : 02.02 - Monnaies Résumé : Building new infrastructure is no longer simply the talk of towns and communities in which various projects are to be implemented. Instead, it has taken on a new, awe-inspiring, global character. In Europe alone, the European Commission estimates that investment of up to €2 trillion is needed in transport, energy and IT infrastructure by 2020. Out of the ashes of the economic crisis, infrastructure is being promoted as a magic bullet. Yet is this new burst of global investment hopes being based on new, more sustainable, less risky investment and financial foundations?
This report discusses how and why the answer to this question is ‘No’, and seeks ultimately to outline some of the tentatively emerging alternative options.En ligne : http://rosalux-europa.info/publications/books/financialisation_infrastructure/
Titre : Industrie 4.0 : Les nouveaux défis du monde du travail en Europe Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Christopher Wimmer, Auteur Editeur : Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Année de publication : mars 2019 Importance : 33 p Langues : Anglais (eng) Français (fre) Tags : Economie digitale Economie numérique Emploi Travail Europe Index. décimale : 01.03 - Economie col/num Résumé : We appear to be on the cusp of a new age. The era of digitalisation looks set to revolutionise the status quo, from the world of work to the way we live, from leisure activities and public space through to politics and privacy. Technically, the term ‘digitalisation’ refers to the enhancement of information and communication processes by means of digital storage, transmission and processing technology. Innovative hardware and software allows these processes to take place faster and more flexibly and be less location-dependent.
According to some, we are on the verge of a “fourth industrial revolution” (Schwab 2016). What is surprising is the way that this movement is often seen as some unstoppable natural process that humans are powerless to influence. The debate surrounding digitalisation thus resembles the discourse on globalisation in the 1990s. And yet, digitalisation and Industry 4.0 have not come out of the blue. It is profit that drives capitalist society to invest in technological innovation. This is particularly evident if we consider the changes taking place in the world of work. Standard forms of employment are increasingly giving way to a blurring of boundaries between work and leisure time and an ability for workers to be available at all times thanks to smartphones, cloud working and mobile work.
The study ‘Industry 4.0 and its Consequences for Work and Labour’ (Gaddi/Garbellini/Garibaldo 2018) deals precisely with this relationship between digitalisation and working conditions in the industrial sector, drawing on a sample of 40 Italian companies. Its authors Matteo Gaddi, Nadia Garbellini and Francesco Garibaldo, from Italian left-wing organisations Associazione Culturale Punto Rosso and Fondazione Claudio Sabattini, ask how Industry 4.0 is changing industrial relations. Does it offer greater opportunities for participation and more flexibility for workers, or is Industry 4.0 merely an attempt to monitor performance more closely and intensify work?
The following publication summarises the main findings of the study. It starts by examining current trends in European industrial policy and goes on to define a number of key concepts. There follows a brief discussion of the state of digitalisation in Italy and a description of the study’s methodology. The next section presents the findings and looks at the impact that digitalisation is having on working conditions, before considering the implications for trade union action and progressive actors. The conclusion calls for a digital left in step with the times.En ligne : https://www.rosalux.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/Industrie-4.0-EN-WEB.pdf Format de la ressource électronique : https://www.rosalux.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/Industrie-4.0-FR-WEB.pdf Industrie 4.0 : Les nouveaux défis du monde du travail en Europe [texte imprimé] / Christopher Wimmer, Auteur . - [S.l.] : Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, mars 2019 . - 33 p.
Langues : Anglais (eng) Français (fre)
Tags : Economie digitale Economie numérique Emploi Travail Europe Index. décimale : 01.03 - Economie col/num Résumé : We appear to be on the cusp of a new age. The era of digitalisation looks set to revolutionise the status quo, from the world of work to the way we live, from leisure activities and public space through to politics and privacy. Technically, the term ‘digitalisation’ refers to the enhancement of information and communication processes by means of digital storage, transmission and processing technology. Innovative hardware and software allows these processes to take place faster and more flexibly and be less location-dependent.
According to some, we are on the verge of a “fourth industrial revolution” (Schwab 2016). What is surprising is the way that this movement is often seen as some unstoppable natural process that humans are powerless to influence. The debate surrounding digitalisation thus resembles the discourse on globalisation in the 1990s. And yet, digitalisation and Industry 4.0 have not come out of the blue. It is profit that drives capitalist society to invest in technological innovation. This is particularly evident if we consider the changes taking place in the world of work. Standard forms of employment are increasingly giving way to a blurring of boundaries between work and leisure time and an ability for workers to be available at all times thanks to smartphones, cloud working and mobile work.
The study ‘Industry 4.0 and its Consequences for Work and Labour’ (Gaddi/Garbellini/Garibaldo 2018) deals precisely with this relationship between digitalisation and working conditions in the industrial sector, drawing on a sample of 40 Italian companies. Its authors Matteo Gaddi, Nadia Garbellini and Francesco Garibaldo, from Italian left-wing organisations Associazione Culturale Punto Rosso and Fondazione Claudio Sabattini, ask how Industry 4.0 is changing industrial relations. Does it offer greater opportunities for participation and more flexibility for workers, or is Industry 4.0 merely an attempt to monitor performance more closely and intensify work?
The following publication summarises the main findings of the study. It starts by examining current trends in European industrial policy and goes on to define a number of key concepts. There follows a brief discussion of the state of digitalisation in Italy and a description of the study’s methodology. The next section presents the findings and looks at the impact that digitalisation is having on working conditions, before considering the implications for trade union action and progressive actors. The conclusion calls for a digital left in step with the times.En ligne : https://www.rosalux.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/Industrie-4.0-EN-WEB.pdf Format de la ressource électronique : https://www.rosalux.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/Industrie-4.0-FR-WEB.pdf Documents numériques
Industrie 4.0Adobe Acrobat PDF
Industry 4.0Adobe Acrobat PDF
Titre : Le lobby automobile européen : Analyse critique de l'influence de l'industrie automobile Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Hendrik Sander, Auteur ; Tobias Haas, Auteur Editeur : Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Année de publication : August 2019 Importance : 33 p Note générale : 04.02.HAA Langues : Anglais (eng) Français (fre) Catégories : Lobbying
Industrie automobileTags : Industrie automobile Europe UE Lobbying Index. décimale : 04.02 Entreprises Résumé : The story of the European Union (EU) is often told as a tale of peace and economic prosperity. However, it can also be framed in terms of rapid growth in the transport sector, which is firmly in the grip of ‘fossil capitalism’. The invention at the heart of this mobility model, which is causing widespread environmental destruction, is the internal combustion engine (Candeias et al. 2011; Balsmeyer/Knierim 2018; Haas 2018).
A glance at greenhouse gas balances makes this clear, as the transport sector was responsible for roughly 25% of EU-wide emissions in 2015. Although carmakers pledged to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions back in 1998, their voluntary commitment has had no effect on emissions. Consequently, the EU decided to impose a binding fleet target of 95 grams of CO2 per kilometre by 2021. In late 2018, the EU agreed that emissions from new cars must fall by an average of 37.5% by 2030. This was a notable success for environmentalists. However, the decisions taken are still way behind the 2015 Paris climate agreement to restrict global warming to 1.5° Celsius.
Not only is growing traffic heating up the Earth’s atmosphere, but the fine particulate matter and nitrogen oxide emitted by internal combustion engines is severely damaging human health. The diesel scandal showed that car companies manipulated the software in diesel vehicles to ensure that in laboratory tests their particulate and nitrogen emissions were a fraction of the levels found in actual road traffic. Whereas courts in the United States have made Volkswagen in particular pay out billions of dollars in compensation, so far politicians in the EU have handled the automotive industry with kid gloves.
Cars are continuing to emit huge quantities of toxic pollutants, and policymakers are taking no effective steps to stop them, largely because of carmakers’ economic clout and powerful political lobbying. Volkswagen and other automotive manufacturers are among the most powerful businesses in the European Union.
For decades now, they have maintained very close links with the EU institutions, exerting substantial influence on their policy. So far, carmakers have successfully blocked effective climate-related and environmental protective measures in the European transport sector.
However, they risk missing a major turning point. For years now, the importance of alternative forms of propulsion, like the batteries used by electric vehicles, new mobility services such as car sharing and the interconnection of various modes of transport has been growing. Today, even autonomous cars are being tested (PwC 2017-2018; Daum 2018). Companies like Tesla, Apple, Google and China’s BYD are pioneers in taking these developments forward. And the long-established car companies are now also pumping billions of euros into new technologies. At the same time, they are trying to defend their traditional business model, based on the internal combustion engine, for as long as possible – so far relatively successfully.
Regardless of whether the big carmakers succeed in leveraging their lobbying power to perpetuate the status quo in their industry or whether we end up seeing large numbers of driverless electric cars on our roads in the not-too-distant future, neither scenario will meet the need for a socio-environmental transport revolution.
This would require the replacement of the car by public transport, traffic avoidance measures and, last but not least, the transformation of residential areas and time regimes (Balsmeyer/Knierim 2018; MISEREOR/Brot für die Welt/Powershift 2018; Haas 2018). How can leftist political actors help to enforce ambitious limit values and hasten the demise of the internal combustion engine? Also, how can they prevent the transport revolution from being limited to smart and electric cars? The first prerequisite for achieving these goals is to analyse the huge lobbying power of automotive capital in the EU and devise strategies for breaking it apart.En ligne : https://www.rosalux.eu/publications/the-european-car-lobby/?L=930 Format de la ressource électronique : https://www.rosalux.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/Autolobby-FR-WEB.pdf Le lobby automobile européen : Analyse critique de l'influence de l'industrie automobile [texte imprimé] / Hendrik Sander, Auteur ; Tobias Haas, Auteur . - [S.l.] : Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, August 2019 . - 33 p.
04.02.HAA
Langues : Anglais (eng) Français (fre)
Catégories : Lobbying
Industrie automobileTags : Industrie automobile Europe UE Lobbying Index. décimale : 04.02 Entreprises Résumé : The story of the European Union (EU) is often told as a tale of peace and economic prosperity. However, it can also be framed in terms of rapid growth in the transport sector, which is firmly in the grip of ‘fossil capitalism’. The invention at the heart of this mobility model, which is causing widespread environmental destruction, is the internal combustion engine (Candeias et al. 2011; Balsmeyer/Knierim 2018; Haas 2018).
A glance at greenhouse gas balances makes this clear, as the transport sector was responsible for roughly 25% of EU-wide emissions in 2015. Although carmakers pledged to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions back in 1998, their voluntary commitment has had no effect on emissions. Consequently, the EU decided to impose a binding fleet target of 95 grams of CO2 per kilometre by 2021. In late 2018, the EU agreed that emissions from new cars must fall by an average of 37.5% by 2030. This was a notable success for environmentalists. However, the decisions taken are still way behind the 2015 Paris climate agreement to restrict global warming to 1.5° Celsius.
Not only is growing traffic heating up the Earth’s atmosphere, but the fine particulate matter and nitrogen oxide emitted by internal combustion engines is severely damaging human health. The diesel scandal showed that car companies manipulated the software in diesel vehicles to ensure that in laboratory tests their particulate and nitrogen emissions were a fraction of the levels found in actual road traffic. Whereas courts in the United States have made Volkswagen in particular pay out billions of dollars in compensation, so far politicians in the EU have handled the automotive industry with kid gloves.
Cars are continuing to emit huge quantities of toxic pollutants, and policymakers are taking no effective steps to stop them, largely because of carmakers’ economic clout and powerful political lobbying. Volkswagen and other automotive manufacturers are among the most powerful businesses in the European Union.
For decades now, they have maintained very close links with the EU institutions, exerting substantial influence on their policy. So far, carmakers have successfully blocked effective climate-related and environmental protective measures in the European transport sector.
However, they risk missing a major turning point. For years now, the importance of alternative forms of propulsion, like the batteries used by electric vehicles, new mobility services such as car sharing and the interconnection of various modes of transport has been growing. Today, even autonomous cars are being tested (PwC 2017-2018; Daum 2018). Companies like Tesla, Apple, Google and China’s BYD are pioneers in taking these developments forward. And the long-established car companies are now also pumping billions of euros into new technologies. At the same time, they are trying to defend their traditional business model, based on the internal combustion engine, for as long as possible – so far relatively successfully.
Regardless of whether the big carmakers succeed in leveraging their lobbying power to perpetuate the status quo in their industry or whether we end up seeing large numbers of driverless electric cars on our roads in the not-too-distant future, neither scenario will meet the need for a socio-environmental transport revolution.
This would require the replacement of the car by public transport, traffic avoidance measures and, last but not least, the transformation of residential areas and time regimes (Balsmeyer/Knierim 2018; MISEREOR/Brot für die Welt/Powershift 2018; Haas 2018). How can leftist political actors help to enforce ambitious limit values and hasten the demise of the internal combustion engine? Also, how can they prevent the transport revolution from being limited to smart and electric cars? The first prerequisite for achieving these goals is to analyse the huge lobbying power of automotive capital in the EU and devise strategies for breaking it apart.En ligne : https://www.rosalux.eu/publications/the-european-car-lobby/?L=930 Format de la ressource électronique : https://www.rosalux.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/Autolobby-FR-WEB.pdf Documents numériques
Le lobby automobile européenAdobe Acrobat PDF
The european car lobbyAdobe Acrobat PDF
